Studio Descriptors 2018/19
Live Project-based studio work forms the core of learning in the MA Environmental Architecture programme; collaboration with external partners and knowledge exchange are central to our pedagogical model.
Each Studio will develop collaborative design-led research around a unique case study. Studios work on the same case for a four-year period. As the programme grows, each new Studio will introduce a new case study. Read on for information on our current studio.
For 2018/19, the Lithium Triangle Research Studio will explore architecture’s contribution to new environmental futures, in the context of the global transition from fossil fuels to 'clean' energy. Meanwhile, The Orang-orang and the Hutan Studio interrogates bio-resources – both extracted and extracted from – through the specific, elemental materials and processes that comprise the inhabited forest, and in doing so addressse intersectional knowledges and spatial structures entangled within the social and ecological tensions of a forest under fire.
Studio 1: The Lithium Triangle
Architectural Strategies for Changing EnvironmentsIn the context of the global transition from fossil fuels to 'clean' energy, the Lithium Triangle Research Studio will explore architecture’s contribution to new environmental futures. As models of sustainable urbanism in developed countries promote the transition away from oil and towards electric power, the production networks and global commodity chains that support this trend severely damage territories and ecosystems in the global south. This project will focus on the political and ecological tensions that characterise processes of lithium extraction across Chile, Argentina and Bolivia – an area also known as the 'lithium triangle' – with a focus on the disputes between indigenous populations and global mining corporations. Characteristic of the Lithium Triangle are two key topics in contemporary environmental research: the development of carbon-free technologies and the importance of non-western environmental concepts. In 2018/19 the Lithium Triangle Research Studio will ask: how can these two come together to inform the practice of environmental architecture?
ContextThrough collaborative research methods and partnerships with organisations on the ground, this studio will explore what can be the role of architecture and design in reconfiguring environmental disputes, both by engaged research, live projects, and the development of speculative design propositions.
Recent decades have witnessed a shift from an energy paradigm based on the extraction of fossil fuels to one based on the development of sustainable or 'green' technologies. All climate change adaptation and mitigation pathways set out by the IPCC depend on decarbonisation to achieve their goal. Reducing emissions is necessary to attain the objectives of the Paris Accord and the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). In this context, sustainable development models are increasingly focusing on low-carbon, renewable and clean energy consumption. As electric power is being presented as the common thread of various clean technologies, storage capacity is becoming a central issue, both in terms of technological innovation, political economy and geopolitical antagonism. Within this context, lithium has become a unique commodity. From solar panels, to wind farms, laptops, cell-phones or electrical vehicles, most green technologies are electricity-based and dependent on the use of high-performance lithium-ion batteries for storing energy. Because of that, in the last two decades the demand for lithium has drastically risen.
Seventy per cent of the world's exploitable reserves of lithium are located in the 'lithium triangle' made by salt flats of Uyuni in Bolivia, Atacama in Chile and Hombre Muerto in Argentina. Salt flats can be described as dried lake beds with underground reservoirs that contain high concentrations of dissolved salts, such as lithium, potassium, and sodium. The Salar (salt-flat) de Atacama in Chile, containing 27 per cent of the world's lithium reserve base, is the world's largest and purest active source of lithium. As of 2008, it provided almost 30 per cent of the world's lithium carbonate supply. There are two main companies extracting in the salt-flat: Sociedad Quimica y Minera de Chile S.A, and Rockwood Holdings. Together they have set evaporation ponds, processing infrastructures, kilometres of access roads and connections to highways, water storage tanks, admin areas, canteens, parking lots, etc. In doing so, they continue the long history of extraction in the Atacama, starting with the colonial quest for gold, later superseded by the extraction of nitrates, which in turn gave way to the extraction of copper, for which Chile is still the leading global exporter.
The extraction of lithium has destabilised the social and ecological systems within which it is embedded. The process requires holes to be drilled into the salt flats and brine to be pumped to the surface, where it is left to evaporate in ponds. This allows lithium carbonate to be extracted through a chemical process. Brine is rich in water while containing only traces of lithium. This means that in average, for each ton of lithium are required 500,000 gallons of water. However, salt-flats are at the centre of complex social ecologies. As oases in the desert, they are essential for indigenous peoples, as their marshes, water and pasture are needed for agro-pastoral activities. When a lagoon dries out as a result of lithium mining, it's not just a fragile ecosystem with unique biodiversity that disappears, but also a series of associated rituals and modes of living. The disruptive nature of lithium extraction is particularly evident in the areas surrounding the Salar de Atacama in Chile or around the Salar de Hombre Muerto in Argentina where several cases of water over-extraction have been reported. The effects of this are magnified by the fact that the Atacama Desert is the driest place on earth, with average precipitations of only 10 millimetres per year, and with an expected reduction of water streaming from mountains, due melting glaciers as a result of global climate change.
The Lithium Triangle is a unique case globally, both for its geo-climatic conditions as for exemplifying the multiscalar dimensions of planetary development, revealing the real costs of 'green', technologies. But the Lithium Triangle is also a contested site, at the interception of different models of development, between global networks, regional alliances, national and local projects. It is a site where radically opposing ideas of environmental development are being fought for, something that becomes particularly evident when contrasting the global transition to green/clean technologies, with ideas of post-development promoted by Andean indigenous communities. In fact, it is not a coincidence that local indigenous organisations have started to mobilise against lithium extraction, such as the Board of the Communities of the Guayatayoc y Salinas Grandes Basin in Argentina or the Consejo de Pueblos Atacamenõs in Chile. Working in collaboration with lawyers and environmentalists these and many other communities are fighting not only against water appropriation and the destruction of ecosystems, but more importantly for the right to forms of development based on their ancestral understanding of territory as coexistence (ayllu) and of reciprocity (ayni). Such moves are particularly relevant in a contemporary context where indigenous-based forms of environmental management are becoming increasingly explored (in face of failed western paradigms of nature protection); as well as in the context of decolonising modes of knowledge production underpinning environmental sciences, towards an intercultural perspective that recognises the knowledges emerging from indigenous practices. For these reasons, the Lithium Triangle is not so much a site where resistance to resource extraction is taking place, as it is a site where new alliances between so-far opposing forms of environmental thinking and practice are being fostered.
It is within this very context that the Lithium Triangle Research Studio sets out to intervene. At stake is the opportunity for unexpected alliances between research and practice, towards the imagination of new environmental futures. Now in its 2nd year, the Lithium Triangle is a four-year research project that aims at producing a decisive contribution to the field of environmental architecture. This is a design-based research studio, which means that design is not seen as an end result, but a mechanism of investigating environmental relations, and of asking new and unexpected questions.
Students are asked to work collaboratively across a broad range of analytical and representational tools, from mapping and remote-sensing, to model-making, photography, film or animation. Students are asked to use design as a way of speculating on strategies and scenarios and to work towards the development of pilots of possible interventions. This is also a studio that relies heavily on collaborations with non-academic partners and organisations. As part of its ethics of knowledge-exchange, a component of the research produced by students will always be returned to partners on the ground, edited according to the given context and necessity of potential end-users.
In 2018/19 we will be focusing in particular on the following issues:
- The contribution of Andean environmental concepts to current environmental thinking and architecture.
- The role of geometry in spatializing forms of environmental coexistence.
- The encounter between new technologies and indigenous practices.
- The role of digital and data management platforms in supporting forms of social organisation at the scale of Lithium Triangle.
Dr Alonso Barros: Lawyer (PUCCh) and PhD (University of Cambridge) with two decades of experience in advocacy and anthropology involving projects affecting indigenous peoples territories in Latin America. Since 2013, he works as a researcher and litigation lawyer, mediator and arbiter on behalf of indigenous peoples and communities involved with the extractive industry in the Atacama desert.
Dr Gonzalo Pimentel: Social Anthropologist and Archeologist, he is the Director of the Atacama Desert Foundation, Chile, with a long track record of working with and supporting indigenous communities in their environmental disputes against mining companies. www.fundaciondesiertoatacama.cl
Rolando Humire: Biochemist and Indigenous Leader. Was the President of the Consejo de Pueblos Atacameños, and in that position led the negotiations with the Chilean government for the regulation of lithium extraction facilities in the Atacama Salt Flat.
Studio 2: The Orang-orang and the Hutan
Architectures, Anthrosols, and Other Medias of the Inhabited Forest
Addressing intersectional knowledges and spatial structures entangled within social and ecological tensions of a forest under fire, the studio will interrogate bio-resources – both extracted and extracted from – through the specific, elemental materials and processes that comprise the inhabited forest. In step with the global push for ‘clean’ energy, prolific development and availability of new technologies, along with expanded networked territories and network capacities, are rapidly reconfiguring traditional methods and communities of resource extraction. Increasing access to global production networks and global commodity chains significantly alter traditional structures of exploitation and unlock new resource markets. These new markets are actively reorganising relationships – both seen and unseen – across vast territories of resource-rich terrain, particularly in the global south.
Working from the elemental to the geopolitical, students will design pathways of research and spatial interventions that highlight and engage with disputes between forest conservation, land rights policies, anthropogenic ecologies and economic evolutions in Borneo – an island shared by Indonesia, Malaysia, and Brunei.
Driven by a growing demand for – and investments in – palm oil and other bio-industrial cash crops for food and energy and coupled with carbon-storage trading initiatives such as the UN-backed Reduced Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) scheme, the exploitation of resource-rich regions has intensified rapidly in recent decades. Attracted by a remarkable potential for fast and vast profits, the actors behind these processes are as diverse as the drivers. Rising out of clashing interests, perspectives, and power relationships, various types of conflict – often accompanied by a weakening of state control – over rights to land and resources result in multiscalar forest degradation. Misunderstood, complex forest ecologies and insufficient data contribute to poorly enforced regulatory policies. In this context, local indigenous tribes have turned to new technologies to operationalise opportunity – and resistance.
Tropical peatlands are found across Southeast Asia, Africa, Central and South America, and the Pacifics – each with its own history of human occupation. Peatlands – or swamps – are carbon-rich, biologically diverse ecosystems and material commodity. Peat forms through a process of long-soaked decaying vegetal matter in tannin-rich waters; the resultant organic material, which stores up to twenty times more carbon than non-peat mineral soils, gradually accumulates, layer upon layer, over hundreds or even thousands of years. As a material, peat has been utilised, valued, and lived with variously around the globe.
Too wet to burn, cultivation practices of peatlands have developed around a form of swidden – or slash and char – farming. Deep pockets of peat produce long, smouldering fires; restructuring soil nutrients and water-holding capacities into more stable organic matter capable of a full index of fertility. Over thousands of years these assemblages of human-forest relations, or anthrosols, have transformed pockets of previously nutrient-poor soils into highly productive lands.
In these material contexts, the value of the traded commodity must be examined through the specific soil, air, water, and human dynamics that produce them. Industrialised in space and time, modern capital demands have taken their cues from traditional practices – engineering vast territories into cash crop monocultures, particularly oil palm and acacia, effectively transforming ‘wastelands’ into profit margins. As significant carbon sinks, the burning of each hectare of peatland emits an average of 55 tonnes of carbon dioxide and the Industrial-scale slash and char farming has helped induce a frenzy of activity in the ‘carbon banking’ industry. Anthrosols are the not-yet recognised markers of the ongoing economic and elemental reconfiguration of the Earth.
Worldwide, there are approximately 450 million hectares of peatland, of which about 12 per cent are in the tropics. While Indonesia alone possesses nearly 50 per cent of total tropical peatland area, an estimated 20.9 million hectares, the development of productive anthrosols – past, present, and future – requires a specific set of geographic and anthropogenic circumstances.
The third largest island in the world, Borneo is home to approximately 5.76 million hectares of peatland with an estimated occupation by 'modern humans in the Bornean rainforest for over 50,000 years'. Over two-hundred ethnic subgroups of Dayak, or native peoples of Borneo, occupy the island’s riverine and mountainous terrain, developing a varied set of relationships and customs in forest knowledge, use, and cohabitation.
However, rapid and extensive forest conversion for bio-industrial crop production and large-scale mining operations has reconfigured ecologies and redistributed populations. Despite a 2009 government moratorium on deforestation, it is estimated that 400,000 hectares of land per year are being lost across the archipelago – 160,000 hectares annually in Kalimantan (Indonesian Borneo) alone. In addition, there are 2.1 million hectares of disputed land claims, with 400,000 in West Kalimantan Province. In an effort to address these claims, the Indonesian government has implemented two significant programmes in effect since 2013. Meanwhile, the national courts have ratified constitutional amendments giving indigenous peoples the right to assert land ownership within state-owned forests. Due to these programmes, official government reports show the decrease of figures under dispute; however, conditions on the ground evidence otherwise, as these programmes tend to complicate forest management and conservation law.
Dayak communities have traditionally practised various forms of artisanal mining, forest agriculture, and selective logging, with the spatial distribution of Dayak villages and their activities woven into the web of the industrial-scale plantations and their infrastructures. In Kalimantan, self-mobilised local activists have been using drone imaging and online networks to document land concession violations. Against this growing appetite of industry and global demand, local forest inhabitants continue to raise new land claim disputes-but without a clear path towards action.
The Indonesian archipelago is one of the most resource-rich territories in the world with a long history of multiscalar extraction practices. After the fall of Suharto in 1998, Indonesia embarked on a process of democratisation and decentralisation ushering in two concurrent resource booms: in the mining sector, including oil, gas, coal and minerals; and in the cultivation sector, primarily through the processing and export of palm oil. With poverty reduction as a primary objective for the nation, the booming extractives-led economy has been of particular interest to both local and global markets. Estimates hold total losses of intact forests in Indonesia to as much as 72 per cent, with 74 million hectares of rainforest being burned, logged, or degraded in the last half-century alone. Storing approximately 35 billion tonnes of carbon, Indonesia’s peatland forests are considered the world’s largest carbon sinks – when burned, they release thousands of tonnes of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere.
Between June and October of 2015, 2.7 million hectares of land were burned, inadequately controlled, for cheap access and industrial agriculture. With significant health, environmental, and economic costs not only nationally, but across Southeast Asia, Indonesia’s forest management policies and regulations have come under significant international scrutiny. The 2015 Paris Agreement adopted at COP2 1 provides strong support for the REDD+ Programme, which aims to cut emissions by financially incentivising – through international funding schemes–reductions in deforestation and forest degradation while promoting conservation and sustainable management practices to enhance forest carbon stocks in developing countries. However, like the extractive-practices they aim to reduce, such programmes also disrupt the social and ecological systems within which these ecologies are embedded. Western ideals of conservation and environmentalism ofen exclude human occupation; however, the Indonesian forest has always been an inhabited one and the fight for local voices within national – or international – management schemes and financialisation plans is an ecological battle.
The people and the forests – the orang-orang and the hutan – of Borneo present a unique case within a global context of forest commodification, shi.ing fuel economies, and geo-climatic political action. Further complicating human-forest relations in Borneo, mobile communication and imaging technologies amplify means of forest capitalisation and methods of resistance. These communications give voice to variations between lived, local experience and regional – at times, national and international – projections. Exemplifying the multiscalar and interconnected processes of feeding and fueling the global population, the project of Environmental Architecture reckons with both real costs and potential opportunities created by planetary urbanisation.
Intense geopolitical pressures and shi.ing capital interests–from bio-industrial cash crops to capital-driven reforestation programmes – impact on-the-ground realities for communities within forest ecologies. Read through the centripetal accumulations of capital, operational extractive landscapes tend to be characterised by particularly uneven development – specifically in terms of gender and ethnicity.
Combining spatial and ethnographic design methodologies, students will engage with local communities, activists, ecologists, and government officials through participatory methods and protocols of reciprocity that will enable long-term co-design and intervention. Refuting the common notion of export product as commodity through an examination of the elemental materials of the environments that produce them, the MA Environmental Architecture programme endeavours to design operational research methods capable of empowering and shi.ing momentums of the social, spatial, and ecological processes and relations that create these fertile materials as a means to decolonise ideas of conservation and valuation of the inhabited forest .
Dr Irenda Radjawali, Geographer and Political Ecology, Data and Geospatial Scientist Independent Consultant, Indonesia
Radja is a scholar-activist and geographer trained in urban studies and based in Indonesia. He is currently an independent research consultant for Kemitraan (Partnership for Governance Reform in Indonesia) using participatory action research focusing on political and ecological approaches to modelling and network analysis for the study of social-ecologies. Dr Radjawali conducted doctoral study in Bremen, Germany; his dissertation, entitled 'Towards the political ecology of reef fishery in Indonesia' laid the foundation for long-term, productive relationships with various communities of native peoples across the archipelago. This work has been pivotal in the development of participatory action research through media and technology in Indonesia. Currently and in addition to Kemitraan, his active affiliations include: Institute for Oriental and Asian Studies, Bonn University, Germany implementing research on 'Urban-rural linkage: The political ecology of Kapuas River, West Kalimantan'; and, an ongoing action research partnership with Walhi, The Indonesian Forum for the Environment (part of the Friends of the Earth International network) focused on issues and projects of peatland restoration. Radjawali is an active participant in research regarding the 'Extractive Industries Transparency Initiatives/EITI' and analysis for Regional Spatial Planning, specifically in the Riau Province of Sumatra and the Kalimantan Province of Borneo.
Monica Tanuhandaru, Executive Director of Kemitraan (Partnership for Governance Reform), Indonesia
Monica is an expert in good governance, transparency issues, particularly anti-corruption and security sector reform. At present, she is the Executive Director of Partnership for Governance Reform (Kemitraan), a leading Indonesian national organisation in the start of reform and good governance in Indonesia. Previously she has held various positions at the United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime (UNODC), including Indonesia OIC Country Manager and head of the Anti-corruption Unit. She has also served as Program Coordinator in a six-year police and security sector reform program with the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and Indonesian National Police, where one of the major impact of her work was assisting in the peace process in Aceh province. She founded and chaired several institutions, such as Institute Ecosoc Rights, Institut Pelangi Perempuan on LGBT Rights, and ORLAB Education Foundation. She has also worked as an expert for the European Commission’s Conflict Prevention and Crisis Management Unit, including as an author of its first Conflict Prevention Assessment for Indonesia in 2001.
Walhi (Wahana Lingkungan Hidup Indonesia), Friends of the Earth International
The largest independent, non-profit environmental organisation in Indonesia.
Peatland Restoration Agency (BRG), Indonesia
Established in 2016, BRG is a non-structural institution, BRG is to coordinate and facilitate the restoration of peatlands in priority regions: the provinces of Riau, South Sumatra, Jambi, Central Kalimantan, South Kalimantan, West Kalimantan and Papua. BRG’s target is to restore the approximately two millions of hectares of degraded peatland within five years period.
Ministry of Environment and Forestry
A cabinet-level, government ministry in the Republic of Indonesia responsible for managing and conserving that nation's forests.
Katingan Mentaya Project
An Indonesian NGO (Yayasan) for reducing deforestation and supporting sustainable development opportunities in Borneo. Created in 2008 as a multi-party collaborative effort to reduce tropical forest degradation, specifically in the district of Katingan.